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Myanmar’s Protesters Face Down the Military With Slingshots and Rocks

By Richard C. Paddock

Photographs by The New York Times
April 17, 2021

Originally published here.

Every day, when Ko Win Kyaw goes out to demonstrate against the Myanmar military, he carries his slingshot and a supply of rocks as ammunition. It is little help against the army’s overwhelming firepower, but he says it gives him confidence and a way to strike back.

“I know I can’t defend myself with a slingshot, because I’m facing people with guns,” he said. “When they shoot, I run.”

Mr. Win Kyaw, 36, is one of many pro-democracy protesters who have started arming themselves with rudimentary weapons as they defy the military regime in Myanmar. What began as peaceful protests after the Feb. 1 coup rapidly grew into a resistance movement, with citizens defending themselves using slingshots, homemade air guns, old hunting rifles and firebombs.

In a statement this week, the United Nations High Commissioner for human rights, Michelle Bachelet, said the military’s brutal crackdown in the Southeast Asian nation had “led to some individuals taking up arms,” warning that the situation had “echoes of Syria in 2011” and was “heading toward a full-blown conflict.”

For many in Myanmar, the turning point came on March 27, when the security forces killed at least 150 people. It was the deadliest crackdown since the coup, according to a human rights group tracking the killings. More than 728 people have been killed, and at least 3,000 have been detained.

In the hard-hit Tharketa township of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, one protester said he and his friends had formed a team of about 20 people after the slaughter on March 27. “We were peaceful protesters after the coup,” said Ko Thi Ha, 26. “But when they killed so many people, we couldn’t go further with a peaceful movement. We needed to fight back.”

The protesters often turn to YouTube to learn to make simple weapons, relying on easy-to-find resources. For air guns, plastic pipe is used for the barrel, and a butane lighter switch works as a trigger. Ball bearings taken from bicycle wheels are the most popular ammunition, but protesters also shoot marbles and plastic pellets. Homemade smoke bombs are usually made with gunpowder or potassium nitrate, an ingredient in fertilizer.

Both the air guns and the smoke bombs are more defensive than offensive. The air gun is not lethal, but it can hit a target 100 feet away. The protesters use it to keep soldiers from advancing too quickly. When the protesters need to escape, they use the smoke bombs to shield themselves from view as they retreat in hard hats and goggles.

Along with the improvised weaponry have come code words to describe the various maneuvers used on the front lines. “Cooking up biryani,” a popular rice dish, means to make weapons. “Giving biryani to guests” is to shoot the weapons at soldiers. “Big biryani” is an arson attack.

This month in Kalay, a town about 150 miles northwest of Yangon, one team put its air guns and single-shot hunting rifles to use when the military led an attack. Calling themselves the Kalay Civil Army, the resistance fighters set up barricades made of sandbags on the edge of town and prepared their makeshift weapon.


When soldiers arrived at dawn and ordered the town to dismantle the barricades, the Kalay Civil Army refused. The soldiers returned at 10 a.m. and opened fire with machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades. At least 11 townspeople were killed, and 18 were arrested. Before carting off their prisoners, the soldiers lined them up for a grim group photograph with the seized weapons.

The defeat of the Kalay Civil Army sent a clear message from the military that those taking up arms and organizing such tactics would be crushed. About a month before the Kalay Civil Army got organized, a group of elected leaders who formed an alternative government-in-hiding declared that people have the legal right to defend themselves against the Tatmadaw, as Myanmar’s military is known. Fighting the junta, the officials said, is not a crime.

In addition to Kalay, the military has targeted other pockets of resistance where residents have armed themselves with rudimentary weapons. In the town of Bago this month, the security forces attacked a similar group with rocket-propelled grenades and machine guns, killing at least 82.

State-owned news outlets have blamed the ousted elected leaders and “anarchic mobs” for the rising violence in Myanmar. In other countries where pro-democracy movements have taken hold in recent years, the authorities have also justified intensifying crackdowns by pointing to protesters with weapons.

In Yangon this month, there were several arson attacks on police stations and government offices, as well as small explosions that caused little damage and no injuries. Some experts on the Tatmadaw fear strong retaliation if protesters were to succeed in procuring deadly weapons on a large scale.
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Anthony Davis, a Bangkok-based analyst who writes for the Jane’s Group of military publications, said the generals viewed themselves as having acted with restraint, responding proportionately as the protests have grown.

“People talk about the brutality of the Tatmadaw, which is undeniable,” he said. “But we are talking about 500 dead in the space of two months, not 5,000. It could easily have been more. By their own twisted standards, there is no doubt they are trying to calibrate the escalation of violence.”

Of the protesters’ homemade weapons, the deadliest is the firebomb.

“Once you see firearms and grenades on the side of the protesters, the Tatmadaw’s gloves will come off,” Mr. Davis added. “At that point, they will not hesitate to blow houses down. The Tatmadaw will react viciously and immediately.”

While the army is equipped with rocket-propelled grenades, machine guns and Chinese-made surveillance drones, the slingshot has become the weapon of choice for many protesters. They are cheap and easy to conceal, and can be fired quickly from hiding. For ammunition, some buy glass marbles or smooth stones that have been collected for the purpose. When ammunition runs short, there are usually plenty of rocks around.

Until recently, the slingshot was most common in rural areas, where cowboys often use it to prod their cattle. A skilled marksman can pick off a mango from a high branch.

After the protests began, the slingshot first appeared in the hands of the police. Videos taken by residents showed groups of officers roaming the streets at night, firing randomly at people, homes and windows. As the demonstrations escalated, the police traded their slingshots for rifles while the protesters took them up in large numbers.

Last month, when Alexander Fomin, the Russian deputy defense minister, visited Myanmar, the junta leader, Sr. General Min Aung Hlaing, showed him an exhibit of items confiscated from protesters. A video of the encounter shows the general demonstrating for Mr. Fomin how a slingshot works.

“Pull back to shoot,” he said.

SENATOR MARKEY AND COLLEAGUES REINTRODUCE LEGISLATION DIRECTING THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE TO ISSUE A ROHINGYA GENOCIDE DETERMINATION

Washington (April 14, 2020) – Senator Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.), Chairman of the East Asia Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, along with Senators Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Ben Cardin (D-Md.), Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), Jack Reed (D-R.I.), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Chris Coons (D-Del.), and Bob Casey (D-Pa.) today introduced legislation requiring the Secretary of State to determine whether attacks by Burmese military and security forces against the Rohingya minority constitute genocide. Since August 25, 2017, around 740,000 Rohingya have fled Burma (also known as Myanmar) to neighboring Bangladesh to escape a brutal campaign of atrocities by Burma’s military and security forces, including systematic murder and sexual and gender-based violence. On February 1, 2021 the Burmese military carried out a coup against the democratically elected, civilian-led government and has since killed more than 700 civilians during widespread peaceful protests and strikes in opposition to the coup.

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and other State Department officials have committed to Senator Markey that there will be an interagency process to determine whether the atrocities committed against the Rohingya in Burma constitute genocide, but have not indicated a timeline for that decision to be announced.

“The Burmese military must know that it cannot continue to carry out atrocities against the Rohingya or anyone else in Burma with impunity,” said Senator Markey. “The military leaders who are currently engaged in brutal attacks and serious human rights abuses against peaceful protesters are many of the same leaders who oversaw the campaign of genocide and atrocities targeted at the Rohingya. The Rohingya people will not be able to start the path towards justice, equality, or full representation until we recognize the crimes committed against them for what they were – genocide. I urge the Biden administration to complete the determination process as quickly as possible as justice delayed is justice denied.”

Human rights investigators funded by the State Department concluded in 2018 that “there are reasonable grounds to believe that genocide was committed.” United Nations (UN) investigators have also found evidence that infers genocidal intent. The State Department’s own 2018 report stated that violence committed by the Burmese military against the Rohingya, including from August to October 2017, was not only “extreme, large-scale, widespread, and seemingly geared toward both terrorizing the population and driving out the Rohingya residents,” but also “well-planned and coordinated.” A UN fact-finding mission on Burma warned in September 2019 of “a serious risk that genocidal actions may occur or recur,” yet the Trump administration’s 2020 Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Report made no explicit mention of the Rohingya.


“A genocide determination by the U.S. is a necessary step to addressing the impunity that the military and security forces in Burma have enjoyed for far too long,” said Lauren Fortgang, Director and Co-Founder, Never Again Coalition. “We applaud Senator Markey's introduction of this important and timely bill, particularly as we observe Genocide Awareness and Prevention Month this April. There is no better way to honor the lives that have been lost than to take concrete action to end and prevent these atrocities from occurring again.”

“Given the ongoing violence in Myanmar perpetrated against civilians by the ruling junta, now is exactly the right time to be clear about what happened to the Rohingya,” said Dr. Paul R. Williams, Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG) Founder. “Based on our landmark 2018 documentation mission and legal analysis, PILPG concluded that there are reasonable grounds to believe that genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes have been committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar's Rakhine state. In light of the comprehensive evidence contained in our report, PILPG has repeatedly called for accountability for the atrocities committed against the Rohingya. We welcome Senator Markey’s proposed bill as a long-awaited and welcome step in the direction of international accountability.”

“Refugees International applauds the introduction of the Rohingya Genocide Determination Bill,” said Eric Schwartz, President, Refugees International.“It is an important signal to the generals in Myanmar whose ongoing atrocities are fueled by impunity. A genocide determination would be both factually accurate and reflect a growing voice of solidarity across Myanmar about the need to hold the military accountable.”

Read the full text of the press release here.

Bold leadership is necessary to curb violence against youth

BY VAHE MIRIKIAN AND MEGAN SCHLEICHER, OPINION CONTRIBUTORS — 

04/16/21 

originally published at THE HILL

Young people around the world are leading movements for positive change, peace and justice. From leading the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in the United States to protesting against the Myanmar military, young people are leading the way on global and domestic challenges but they are facing devastating repercussions. 

Too often, calls by young people to respect human rights, take action on climate change and engage in peacebuilding are met with violence and repression. The U.S. must act as a global leader to protect young people and their agency to create a better future.

Young people are the future, so why are they currently under attack by government and non-government armed groups? They are falsely labeled as the symptom or victims of conflict, rather than a critical part of the solution. By leading movements for positive change for tomorrow, many of them experience violence today.

In Myanmar, the military has shown no restraint against protestors. Over 700 people are reported to have been killed and more than 3,000 have been detained or sentenced since the military coup on Feb. 1. In the U.S, supporters of the BLM movement across the country have faced tear gas and low flying helicopters. Last month in Nigeria, kidnappers abducted 39 students, and in Afghanistan a gunman targeted a university. These are just a handful of examples showing how young people face threats to their security, wellbeing and lives on a daily basis. 

The youth population today is larger than it has ever been, currently standing at over 1.8 billion. Approximately one in four young people (408 million) live in areas affected by armed conflict or organized violence. Still, many young people step-up and take on essential roles such as mobilizers, peacebuilders, mediators and human rights defenders in their communities. 

In order to support these efforts, the U.S. must revitalize its global leadership and address the violence faced by young people domestically and globally. Supporting the fundamental human rights of young people while also recognizing the importance of youth in peace and security is only possible with meaningful policy change.

U.S. Reps. Grace Meng (D-N.Y.), Susan Brooks (R-Ind.), Dean Phillips (D-Minn.), John Curtis (R-Utah) and David Trone (D-Md.) sponsored the Youth, Peace, and Security Act of 2020 last year to do exactly that. The legislation sought to empower young people around the world to legitimize their initiatives for peace and security in their communities. It also included policies that emphasize the safe and equal participation in decision-making as a human right, regardless of age.

By reintroducing and passing the Youth, Peace and Security Act, Congress will make a clear statement to the world that the U.S. is committed to meaningfully including youth in peace and security processes, policies and programs. If passed, this legislation would make the U.S. the first country to implement the three United Nations Security Council Resolutions on Youth, Peace and Security. 

As violence against youth escalates globally, there is an urgent need for the U.S. to act now. The U.S. Youth, Peace and Security Coalition, of which we are co-chairs, has called on Secretary of State Anthony Blinken to take both short- and long-term measures to legitimize youth-led movements and ensure their protection. Blinken should work with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Congress to prioritize funding for youth- and women-led peacebuilding.

The U.S. should integrate the perspectives of young people into existing legislation and policy, such as the Global Fragility Strategy, the Women, Peace, and Security agenda and other broader government policies. The Biden administration should also appoint a U.S. special envoy on youth to ensure youth perspectives and concerns are incorporated into U.S. foreign policy at the highest level. 

USAID staff can work with youth globally to create an early warning and response system. This will ensure that reports of attacks committed against young human rights activists and peacebuilders are recorded and will aid the development of strategies to prevent future violence from occurring.

While Congress works on the Youth, Peace and Security Act, the rest of the U.S. government must act on these urgent recommendations. Young people are actively seeking to contribute to and create a better world. They should not be met with violence.

On our journey to reclaim and sustain global leadership, the U.S. must invest and protect the ingenuity, development and growth of young people. By addressing the violence against them, the U.S. can support efforts for positive change and a future that will reflect our values — inclusion, human rights, and freedom of speech, assembly and expression, among others — without fear of harm. 

Empowering and protecting young people of all backgrounds from around the world is a vital investment to build peace for generations to come. It must happen now. 

Vahe Mirikian is the assistant director for U.S. policy for Peace Direct. He is also the Government Advocacy subcommittee co-chair for the U.S. Youth, Peace and Security Coalition. Follow him on Twitter @vahemirikian. 

Megan Schleicher is the senior associate for policy and advocacy for the Alliance for Peacebuilding. She is also the co-chair for the U.S. Youth, Peace and Security Coalition. Follow her on Twitter @megschleicher.